Sunday, July 5, 2020

The Metaphorical Martyr An Analytical Exploration of the role of Symbolism in the Novella Chronicle of a Death Foretold. - Literature Essay Samples

If the world were a desert, art would be its oasis. Within the realm of art and literature is the craft of symbolism, by which artists invest their characters or other such depictions with deeper meanings. What is most likely the most common symbol of all time is the cross for Christ and the homage it pays to the Christian faith. Said symbol is prevalent in literature, as seen for example in Gabriel Garcia Marquez’s Chronicle of a Death Foretold. In the Novella, Gabriel Marquez is able to bring across a deeper meaning for his readers by incorporating the symbol of Jesus Christ by linking Santiago Nasar to him through his name. Santiago Nasar’s fate informs his fate by dint of its of etymology, explicit references, and implicit allusions. Through the employment of these literary aspects, Garcia Marquez is able to write the faith of Santiago Nasar in the stars. The primary measure by which Marquez is able to foretell the fate of Santiago Nasar using his name is by way of its underlying meaning. Etymology is the study of names and their history, and by employing this academia, Marquez is able to craft a destiny for his characters before the plot even begins. Santiago or James is the Patron Saint of Spain, which is the first link that Santiago Nasar has to the Christian Faith. Secondly, Nasar or Nazarus is the Latin word denoting someone as Christian. Other characters in the Novella also have names that tie them to their fates, such as Divina Flor who is deflowered. Therefore, if one’s name writes one’s fate, then Santiago Nasar by virtue of his name is destined to die as a martyr as Jesus Christ did before him. The etymology of Santiago Nasar’s name leads to further symbols linking him to Jesus Christ. This can be explicitly seen when he is being murdered in the final chapter of the Novella. Whilst being slaughtered Nasar does not bleed after the first blow of the Vicario’s knife slices through his hand and pins him to the wood of the door behind him. The lack of blood is a symbol of divinity and immortality. Furthermore, the knife that pierces his hand pins him to the wood of the door in the same way that the nails that pierced Christ’s hands pinned him to the wood of the cross. Furthermore, as the knives continue to bombard him, Nasar lets out a cry of pain akin to that of an innocent calf, which is another illusion to divinity and purity. Subsequently, in the middle of the novella, while Santiago Nasar’s body is going through the autopsy and the hole in his hand is found, Garcia Marquez directly states that his body resembled that of a fallen Christ. The image of the crucifix and the calf are but more examples of Garcia Marquez adding depth to depth to his exploration of Santiago Nasar as being a symbol of Jesus. On that account, Marquez is able to use Santiago Nasar’s name to explicitly reference him to Christ. The last implication of Santiago Nasar’s name for the purposes of determining his fate is the implicit allusion that Marquez builds in the last few pages of the Novella. Chronicle of a Death Foretold is set in what seems to be early 20th century Latin America. The setting is not specified as it serves as a metaphor for the entire continent. Marquez uses the novella to comment on the cults of honour and image that he himself witnessed while growing up. Through the Vicario brothers, these cults are brought to light. After Angela Vicario dishonours her family, her brothers are dictated by the cults of honour and image to restore dignity to their name by dint of an honour killing. After the deed is done, the brothers claim that it was â€Å"an act before God† thought the Bible directly states that â€Å"thou shalt not kill† as it is the 6th of the holy 10 commandments. This portrays how in the society depicted, the cults of image and honour have superseded the religi on under whose authorities individuals claim to act. Because of this loss of priorities, the entire town in which the story is set is in a whirlpool of sin. Santiago Nasar is murdered because the cults of honour and image demanded his death, and the sin of this demand is the reason for which he dies. Just as Jesus Christ died for the sins of others, Santiago Nasar dies as a Martyr for the sins of his entire town. Marquez is able to create this allusion and convey this deeper meaning of the novella on principles purely established on the basis of Nasar’s name and his connection to Christ. By way of his use of etymology, references and allusions, Marquez is able to dictate the fate of Santiago Nasar based solely on the premise of the name that was given to him. The complex metaphor comparing him to Jesus Christ helps expose a society that has succumbed to a world of sin. Just as symbolism aided Marquez in the depiction of his characters and their fates, it has helped countless others. A world without symbols is one that is black and white in the sense that everything is what it is, and the grayscale that is similies and metaphors does not exist, however, is one blurred shade of grey if no deeper meaning can ever be gleaned from the world.

Tuesday, May 19, 2020

Juvenile Justice A Difficult Area For Law Enforcement Essay

Juvenile justice can be a difficult area for law enforcement. This is said because unlike adult offenders in the criminal justice system, the juvenile justice is about reform rather than incarceration. The thought process behind juvenile justice is to help these children to become better adults, not only for their community, but also for their workforce as well. There are some rules when handling delinquents. A great example would be an adult who has a public intoxication and has to spend a night in jail. Although, if a juvenile is caught doing the same thing he is to be taken home to his parents, or legal guardian. Also, the way a trial operates is also different. During a trial in adult court, it becomes a formal matter and can be subjected to a trial by jury. Whereas the trial in juvenile court is informal, and under no circumstances, can the defendant be tried in front of a jury. Lastly, the title of the judge is different in a juvenile case and is called a referee. How law enforcement handles a delinquent can go many ways. Most of the time they are taken home to a legal guardian to look after them, but in some cases, juveniles are taken to a juvenile detention center. Juvenile detention centers are usually a long drive to a different county. This is because it is against the law to hold a minor in the same area as an adult before trial. Even after the crime has been committed, it is still against the law. One problem an officer faces when dealing with a juvenile, whoShow MoreRelatedThe Effects Of Illicit Drugs On The Nation s Rate Of Violent Crime1735 Words   |  7 Pageslevels responded by strengthening enforcement forces against drug law violators, attempting to block illegal drugs at the borders, working with other countries to take down the criminal organizations that produce and distribute drugs, and increasing efforts to reduce demand for drugs (Dept. of Justice, 2005). In addition, serious crimes, including violent ones, committed by j uveniles began to increase at a fast pace. By the late 1980s, violent crime committed by juveniles had reached epidemic proportionsRead MoreJuveniles As A Victim Of A Crime Essay1570 Words   |  7 PagesJuveniles Juveniles come in contact with the law and law enforcement everyday, but it is important to understand how to deal with these individuals. Oftentimes juveniles can be a victim of a crime, or even a suspect in a crime, and it is necessary to learn how to effectively communicate with these individuals. Children and juveniles have a different language set, understanding of law, mindset, and even a different way of coping compared to their adult counterparts. 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Currently assisting the U.S. Department of Justice as a Senior Police Advisor on policing reforms in Ukraine. EDUCATION: Ph.D. 1993 University of Nevada, Reno Political Science (Pubic Policy and Administration Focus) MPA 1989 University of Nevada, Reno Public Administration and Policy B.A. 1978 Cal State University, Sacramento Criminal Justice Senior Management Institute for Police, Police Executive Research Forum, 1992 FBI NationalRead MoreEssay on Approaches to crime prevention1666 Words   |  7 Pages Approaches to crime prevention have emerged over time and are demonstrated in different solutions, practices, and policies executed by law enforcement, courts, corrections, family, and community. Some of the dominant approaches to crime prevention currently used by law enforcement, courts, corrections, family, and community are: situational crime prevention, crime prevention through social development, crime prevention through environmental design, community crime prevention, reduction of recidivism

Wednesday, May 6, 2020

The Cold War And The Soviet Union - 1073 Words

During the 1970s, the Cold War had quieted down for a bit and there were even negotiations of peace talks. That all changed when the Soviet Union occupied Afghanistan in favor of the communist side while the USA were aiding the anti-communist side. Eventually America pulled out of Afghanistan and went home, but the tension that was there continued through the 1980 Olympic Games. The Soviet Union dominated in the sport of hockey for several years and won gold medals multiple times, but what satisfied them the most was beating team USA every time they faced. The USSR wanted to show their dominance and their pride every time they faced USA. That’s why the miracle on ice game was more than just an underdog story, it was the second Cold War. â€Å"The Olympics are hardly apolitical. Nothing is apolitical in this world. The Olympics are the last thing,† Mansbach said. â€Å"So in a sense, the hockey match was a Cold War, literally and figuratively.† Draped in the irony of the Cold War playing out on actual ice, the U.S. pulled off the improbable upset and continued on to beat Finland in the gold medal game. â€Å"It enhances the reputation of the administration, even though it had nothing to do with it. Simply, citizens bathed in the glow [of the win] that somehow capitalism, Americans [and] the free world had won some type of significant, symbolic victory,† Mansbach said. The account of the United States Olympic Hockey group has been introduced as highlight movies, documentaries and books. TheShow MoreRelatedThe Cold War And The Soviet Union973 Words   |  4 PagesThe Cold War was a state of economic, diplomatic, and ideological discord among nations without armed conflict. The Cold War was between the United States and the USSR because these were the two major powers after WWII. 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The United State’s missionRead MoreThe Cold War And The Soviet Union1697 Words   |  7 PagesThe Cold War, in fact didn’t take place in the winter season, but was just as dangerously cold and unwelcoming, as it focused on two contrasting powers: the U.S. and the Soviet Union. After World War 2, the Cold War influenced capitalist U.S. and communist Soviet Union to engage in disagreements causing many disputes having to use military, economic and humanitarian aid. With different goals, the contrasting powers prove through the Marshall Plan, the Cuban Missile Crisis, and SALT that communismRead MoreThe Cold War And Soviet Union840 Words   |  4 PagesThere are many theories and opinions of how the cold war start ed. Some believe that the cold war was the result of the belligerence of Joseph Stalin and the insecurity it caused in the United States and the West. Others believe the primary responsibility for the cold war derives from the hardline policies of the United States. 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Social Customs And Family Dynamics Of Australian Society - Samples

Question: Discuss about the Social Customs And Family Dynamics Of Australian Society. Answer: I am an international student, currently living in Australia. For the past one and half year, I have been staying in Australia to study for my degree course from a renowned Australian university. Just after arriving in the country I had already begun to notice some of the differences in the Australian culture from that of ours. In this essay, I will highlight my views regarding social customs and family dynamics of Australian society. I have observed Australia as a culturally diverse country. The people residing here have a very rich variety of customs, languages, and cultures (Gunson, 2016). Unlike American culture, there is no official religion of the Australian nation. Older people in the Australian community tend to believe in god and thus the religious institutions play a major role in societies. Whereas, most of the Americans believe in Christianity. The family structures in the Australian society are no longer the archetypal family type. With the increased number of divorces, remarriages, and step-relations, the family structure of Australia is no different than that of Americans. The stigma related to same-sex relations have decreased throughout these years and the society is experiencing more common-sex couples and families (Gomes et al., 2014). Though the structure of the traditional families in the Australian society is no more a realistic social standard, the concept of the family and family values still are fundamentally important to the people of Australia throughout their life. Another thing I liked about the Australian culture and families is the concept of Individualism.Australian families encourages their family members to follow their aspirations and dreams and become independent in their life despite the family wealth and supports. Children in the Australian society are taught to think themselves as unique and the values and norms of the social customs, family dynamics and attitudes are incorporated in them while they grow up (Luke, 2018). T he self-determining, self-reliant and responsible attitudes of the Australians make them truly unique and special before the world. I found out some of the cultural differences relating to social customs and family dynamics between the Australian and the Americas. American people do not tend to value their cultures and families like the Australians. People in America do encourage their children but there lays a huge lack in guidance and care form the elders of the family. The structure of the family and social attitudes varies widely from that of the Australians. People here are more generous, helpful and believe in family bonding and long-term relations unlike the American people. In this essay I will highlight my views regarding gender relationships, art and music of the Australian society. The concept of Gender plays a very important role in the family structure of the Australian communities (Kale Luke, 2017). Australian people believe in the concept of gender equality in the true sense and I have observed that gender does not dictate the role or the duty of a person in an Australian family. In our American culture, I have often seen that women are forced to stay back at home and look after the family. It is considered as the duty of a woman to do household chores and leave their job if the male partners do not approve it. In Australia, I have seen women enjoying equal opportunities to choose their way of contributing to their home. Women in the Australian society tend to get married and start their families after establishing a successful care for themselves (Banks, 2015). I have noticed that Australian couples commonly meet through social circles and netw orking websites. A lot number of my university friends found their partner from online dating apps which are on the rise these days.Coming from the country of America, I found out some of the cultural differences relating to arts, music and gender relationships between the Australian and the Americas. One of the unique features in the Australian world of music is the Indigenous Australian music (Olding, 2013). The young population has an immense craze for rock and popular music. Hip-hop, pun, and rock songs are the contemporary popular music among the Australian crowd. American music on the other hand is the roots music. The American music rules the global music industry and Hollywood. One of the most notable music cultures of America is the Jazz. Besides, American music platform includes a broad category of music like gospel, blues, country music, Cajun, jug bands and Native American music arts (Moran, Abramson Moran, 2014). Unlike Australian music, American music industry is popu lar throughout the world. In the context of arts, Australia is famous for their aboriginal paintings. I have observed some of the aboriginal arts which are painted in leaves, rock carvings and sand paintings. Beside this, colonial, landscape and atelier are some of the notable Australian art I observed till date. American arts on the other hand are more renowned for their visual artistry (Gomes, 2015). The collection of American arts represents cultural exchange and development. Mostly the paintings and sculptures were done on paper and canvas structures. American artists are the beginner of the watercolor paintings, patriotic art and modern art in the world. Students from all over the globe participate in the exhibitions of America. References Banks, J. A. (2015).Cultural diversity and education. Routledge. Gomes, C. (2015). Negotiating everyday life in Australia: Unpacking the parallel society inhabited by Asian international students through their social networks and entertainment media use.Journal of Youth Studies,18(4), 515-536. Gomes, C., Berry, M., Alzougool, B., Chang, S. (2014). Home away from home: International students and their identity-based social networks in Australia.Journal of International Students,4(1), 2-15. Gunson, N. (2016). Traditional knowledge and invasive missionary culture: Australia and the South Pacific. Kale, J., Luke, A. (2017). Learning through difference: Cultural practices in early childhood language socialisation. InOne child, many worlds(pp. 11-29). Routledge. Luke, A. (2018). Critical literacy in Australia: A matter of context and standpoint. InCritical Literacy, Schooling, and Social Justice(pp. 186-206). Routledge. Moran, R. T., Abramson, N. R., Moran, S. V. (2014).Managing cultural differences. Routledge. Olding, A. (2013).An investigation of the social relationships and social interactions amongst international students studying in Australia: A case study using facebook(Doctoral dissertation, University of Tasmania).

Tuesday, April 21, 2020

The Third World Body Commodified Essay Sample free essay sample

This essay offers a reading of Indian author Manjula Padmanabhan’s dystopian drama Harvest ( 1997 ) in order to analyze the trade in human variety meats and the commoditization of the 3rd universe organic structure that such a trade is predicated upon. Padmanabhan’s drama. in which an unemployed Indian adult male sells the rights to his organic structure parts to a purchaser in the United States. pointedly critiques the commoditization of the healthy third-world organic structure. which. thanks to important progresss in transplant medical specialty. has now become a bank of trim parts for ailing organic structures in the first universe. Describing this phenomenon as a instance of ‘neo-cannibalism’ . anthropologist Nancy Scheper-Hughes ( 1998. p. 14 ) notes that wealthy but ailing patients in the first-world are progressively turning to healthy if destitute populations of the third-world in order to secure ‘spare’ organic structure parts. It is alluring. at first glimpse. to read this illicit planetary economic system as yet another illustration of the development of third-world organic structures that planetary capitalist economy gives rise to. We will write a custom essay sample on The Third World Body Commodified Essay Sample or any similar topic specifically for you Do Not WasteYour Time HIRE WRITER Only 13.90 / page Scheper-Hughes herself suggests that the trade in human variety meats is best understood in the context of planetary capitalist economy when she points out that the planetary circuit of variety meats mirrors the circuit of capital flows in the epoch of globalization: ‘from South to North. from Third to First universe. from hapless to rich. from black and brown to white’ ( 2002. p. 197 ) . And yet. as I argue in my essay. the human organ can non be equated with other objects produced in the third-world for first-world ingestion because the organ is non a merchandise of the laboring third-world organic structure. Unlike the trade good exported from an exploitatory third-world sweatshop. the organ is non produced by the third-world organic structure but extracted from it. The organ’s peculiar feature as a merchandise that requires no labor in order to bring a monetary value provides the key to understanding why third-world populations are progressively willing to be preyed upon by first-world organ purchasers. Many theoreticians composing about planetary capitalist economy today have pointed out that first-world economic systems are progressively reliant non on production but ingestion ( Harvey. 2000. Bauman. 1998. and Hardt and Negri. 2004 ) . The work force of the first-world is of all time more disengaged from industrial labor and industry either because. in the aftermath of technological progresss. such labor is carried out by non-human agencies. or instead. because human labor is obtained elsewhere. In their thrust to multiply net incomes. first-world economic systems rely on production sites where labor is ‘cheaper. less self-asserting. less taxed. more feminised [ and ] less protected by provinces and unions’ ( Comaroff and Comaroff. 2000. p. 295 ) . Typically located in the third-world. such production sites displace human labor to remote geographical locations. leting for industrial production to go progressively less seeable in the first-world. The first-world. on th e other manus. sees a proliferation of service-economies. economic systems which rely on consumers to buy progressively non-material trade goods. Yet organ trade does non purely correspond to this planetary economic form. The organ is so a stuff good originating in the third-world. but it is non the merchandise of labor. It is. instead. a merchandise that can be sold without the outgo of labor. while assuring to bring forth ‘wealth without production. value without effort’ ( Comaroff and Comaroff. 2000. p. 313 ) . Undreamt-of sums of money with small to no labor: this is the peculiar promise that organ sale extends to the impoverished and disenfranchised populations of the third-world. In order to understand the frequently resistless enticement of this promise. we must research non the transmutation in the conditions of capitalist production. but instead the transmutation in the societal complex numbers of the labouring hapless. Jean and John Comaroff theorise merely this transmutation. Harmonizing to the Comaroffs. capitalist economy today presents itself to the laboring hapless in a millennian. messianic signifier. publicizing itself as ‘a Gospel of redemption ; [ as ] a capitalis t economy that. if justly harnessed. is invested with the capacity entirely to transform the existence of the marginalised and the disempowered’ ( 2000. p. 292 ) . Therefore. the key to understanding millennian capitalist economy lies in the peculiar trade name of seduction upon which it operates. This seductiveness. they argue. is most visibly manifested in the unprecedented proliferation of ‘occult economies’ in the third-world ( 2000. p. 312 ) . The Comaroffs cite non merely organ trade as an illustration of these occult economic systems. but besides the sale of services such as fortune-telling. or the development of tourer industries bases on the sighting of monsters ( 2000. p. 310 ) . Occult economic systems are characterised by the fact that they respond to the temptingness of ‘accruing wealth from nothing’ ( Comaroff and Comaroff. 2000. p. 313 ) . In other words. supernatural economic systems are animated by the same inclination that motivates wealthaccruing actions like chancing or guess on the stock market. It is within this millennian context that we need to understand the determination of the organ-seller to ship on the sale of her organ and seek out the supernatural economic system of the variety meats market. The organ-seller’s voluntary determination is brought on by that set of contradictory emotions. hope and desperation. that millennian capitalist economy and its supernatural economic systems unleash upon their marks. Despair. because the proprietor of a healthy organ is immiserated. hapless and hopelessly excluded from capitalism’s promise of planetary prosperity. Hope. because millennian capitalism’s supernatural economic systems hold out the promise of a speedy hole to this status by showing a new. quasimagical agencies of doing adequate money to get the better of poorness. Making money. This is the promise that the occult economic system of organ trade extends to its objects: sell your organ and you will do more money than you will of all time gain through old ages of labor and labor. The promise of millennian capitalist economy works because it allows the third-world person to see her organic structure as that which contains a natural ‘spare’ por tion. a of course happening excess that is non the merchandise of labour yet is still in high demand. The third-world person is therefore organic structure has a ‘spare’ of – a kidney. a cornea – in order to work out all her pecuniary jobs. The organ hence emerges as a really curious sort of trade good: 1 that is non produced by a drudging human organic structure. but instead extracted from it. What sort of trade good. so. is the organ? Indeed. is it a trade good at all? It is informative to turn here to Karl Marx’s treatment of a peculiar sort of trade good: 1 that has a use-value. and therefore carry through a demand. yet no value. insofar as it is non the merchandise of labor. 1 Marx’s primary illustration of such a trade good. which he discusses in the 3rd volume of Capital. is land. Marx recognises that there are assorted manners of production originating from land. but he chooses to concentrate on the peculiar instance of agricultural production. where the farmer-capitalist rentals a certain sum of land. and pays the proprietor of this land a fixed amount of money every month in the signifier of rent. Parenthetically. he adds that ‘instead of agribusiness. we might every bit hold taken excavati on. since the Torahs are the same’ ( 1991. p. 752 ) . The phrase is implicative. because both instances. agribusiness and excavation. affect the extraction of something from the land. We might easy include the human organic structure in the same class. In the scenario I explore here. the organic structure. like land. is mined for its variety meats. and. as the rubric of the drama I discuss below suggests. variety meats are removed. harvested. from the organic structure. Marx’s treatment of land as a trade good offers yet farther penetrations into the trade in human organic structure parts. In Capital III. he explicitly states that to talk of land as holding value is ‘prima facie irrational [ †¦ ] . since the Earth In Capital I. Marx explains that a trade good has both a qualitative and a quantitative facet. The commodity’s use-value resides in its qualitative facet: ‘The utility of a thing makes it a use-value. But this utility does non swing in mid-air. It is conditioned by the physical belongingss of the trade good. and has no being apart from the latter. [ †¦ ] Use-values are merely realised in usage or ingestion. [ †¦ ] In the signifier of society to be considered here [ read. the capitalist manner of production ] they [ use-values ] are besides the stuff carriers of [ †¦ ] exchange-value’ ( 1990. p. 126 ) . Exchange-value. says Marx. is the quantitative dimension of the trade good ; it is â⠂¬Ëœthe proportion in which use-values of one sort exchange for use-values of another kind’ ( 1990. p. 126 ) . However. Marx argues. the belongings that renders two trade goods commensurable is the fact that they both contain a common component. This common component is value. or the measure of abstract human labor objectified within a given trade good. Exchange-value is therefore ‘the necessary manner of look. or signifier of visual aspect. of value’ and emerges as such under the conditions of capitalist economy ( 1990. p. 128 ) . is non a merchandise of labor. and therefore does non hold a value’ ( 1991. p. 760 ) . And yet. as Marx recognises. the fact remains that land has a monetary value. a moneysum for which it can be exchanged. We might add here that the organ. excessively. fetches a monetary value without being a merchandise of labor. From whence so. does this monetary value originate? To this inquiry Marx provides a really unequivocal reply: [ T ] he monetary values of things that have no value in and of themselves – either non being merchandises of labor. like land. or which can non be reproduced by labour [ †¦ ] – may be determined by rather causeless combinations of fortunes. For a thing to be sold. it merely has to be capable of being monopolised and alienated ( 1991. p. 772. accent added ) . Capitalist production. argues Marx. develops exactly by virtuousness of its ability to monopolize and estrange the particular. natural belongingss of use-values without value. such as land. Therefore. the sale of land might look. superficially. to be similar to the sale of a produced trade good. However. they have different theoretical positions ( Foley. 1986. p. 28 ) . As Duncan Foley explains: If we want to understand value dealingss in trade good production. we should center our attending foremost of all on conditions of production. on factors such as labour productiveness. If we want to understand value dealingss affecting nonproduced things. we should look. non to production. but to the rights involved in ownership of these things and to the bargaining places these rights give to their owners ( 1986. p. 28-9. accent added ) . It is thanks to the societal phenomenon of landed belongings that land is able to command a fixed. agreed-upon money-sum. in the signifier of rent if the land is leased. and in the signifier of a monetary value if it is sold. The legal impression of landed belongings efficaciously alienates certain parts of land and decrees them as the sole ownership of a given person. As Marx puts it: [ T ] he legal construct [ of private belongings ] itself means nil more than that the landholder can act in relation to the land merely as any trade good proprietor can with his trade goods ( 1991. p. 753 ) . Landed belongings therefore renders land into an alienable. monopolisable good in the ownership of a given person who can now sell it.As the work of Lawrence Cohen ( 2002 ) shows us. the organ. excessively. has been rendered alienable. Cohen argues that biomedical progresss in transplant medical specialty have led to the possibility non merely of pull outing and reassigning an organ from one individual to another: more significantly. these progresss have created a much larger pool of both potentially utile variety meats and compatible receivers likewise. This ‘fortuitous combination of circumstances’ . to cite Marx ( 1991. p. 772 ) . consequences from the development of extremely effectual immunosuppressor drugs such as cyclosporine. The development of cyclosporine. Cohen provinces. efficaciously means that patients expecting kidney grafts are no longer dependent on kidneys that match their ain tissue types ( 2002 ) . Theoretically. so. it is extremely likely that anyone wishing to sell their ‘spare’ organ will easy happen a purchaser for it. for immunosuppressant drugs greatly cut down the opportunities that the organ will be rejected by its new proprietor. The reaching of cyclosporine. as Cohen puts it. ‘ [ has ] allow [ ed ] specific subpopulations to go â€Å"same enough† for their members to be surgically disaggregated and their parts reincorporated’ ( 2002. p. 12 ) . If. as Marx says. a thing needs simply to be monopolisable and alienable in order to be sold. so the planetary black market in variety meats shows that this procedure is good underway in the instance of organic structure parts. 2 Much more fraught. nevertheless. is the inquiry of what it means to have one’s organic structure and the variety meats that comprise it. Land ceases to be a free resource for all one time a given province espouses the impression of private belongings upon which capitalist economy is founded. An organ. nevertheless. is ever the ownership of a given person. who. theoretically talking. is hence entitled to sell it. should she so choose. And yet the statute law adopted by most states of the universe. explicitly forbiding the trade in human organic structure parts. proves otherwise. Catherine Waldby and Robert Mitchell argue that if. along with the United States. Canada. Australia and New Zealand. no state in Western Europe has every bit yet legalised the sale and purchase of human organic structure tissues. this is due to the fact that most politicians and bioethicists in these states uphold the human organic structure as ‘the venue of absolute self-respect [ †¦ ] . [ This ] [ vitamin D ] ignity is destroyed if any portion of the organic structure is assigned a market value and rendered alienable’ ( 2006. p. 19 ) . Mentioning Paul Rabinow. Waldby and Mitchell explain that such an apprehension of self-respect as an unalienable human right is derived from Kant’s differentiation between self-respect and monetary value: In the land of terminals everything has either a monetary value or a self-respect. Whatever has a monetary value can be replaced by something else as its equivalent ; on the other manus. whatever is above all monetary value. and hence admits of no equivalent. has a self-respect. ( Kant. 1981. p. 40. cited in Waldby and Mitchell. 2006. p. 19 ) The most searching reviews of the commoditization. be it illicit or legalised. of human organic structure parts. spring from a similar construct of the self-respect of the human organic structure. Nancy Scheper-Hughes ( 2000 ) describes organ market proposals as being founded upon useful and neo-liberal principals that systematically undermine the cardinal self-respect of the human organic structure. Furthermore. these libertarian statem ents emphasize the right of every person to take whether or non to sell what she owns. However. as Scheper-Hughes points out. the really thought of pick becomes debatable in most third-world contexts: Bio-ethical statements about the right to sell are based on EuroAmerican impressions of contract and single ‘choice’ . But societal and economic contexts make the ‘choice’ to sell a kidney in an urban slum of Calcutta or in a Brazilian favela anything but a ‘free’ and ‘autonomous’ one ( 2001. [ n. p. ] ) . The balance of this essay discusses Harvest. a drama which. I shall reason. launches a scathing review of the variety meats market and of the planetary. marauding capitalist economy that consequences in the commoditization of the third-world organic structure. Indian author Manjula Padmanabhan’s 1997 drama confronts us with a futuristic Bombay of the twelvemonth 2010. a clip when legal. moral and bioethical arguments about organ gross revenues and grafts have been overcome. The trade in human variety meats is now to the full institutionalised and swimmingly operated by the entity incarnating all the predatory forces of planetary capitalist economy: a multinational corporation named Interplanta Services. The dramatis personae. Padmanabhan’s phase waies tell us. is divided into two chief groups dwelling of Third World givers and First World receiving systems. Although Padmanabhan chooses. ‘ [ f ] or the interest of coherence’ . to do the givers Indian and the receiving systems North American. her phase waies emphasise that: the givers and receiving systems should take on the racial individualities. names. costumes and speech patterns most suited to the location of production. It matters merely that there be a extremely recognizable differentiation between the two groups. reflected in address. vesture and visual aspect ( 1997. p. 217 ) . The play’s futuristic scene allows Padmanabhan to deploy a series of sci-fi appliances on phase. Their intent. I argue. is to alarm us to the important function that engineering dramas in both seducing and patroling the third-world givers into entry. It is thanks to one such sci-fi appliance that we see the first-world receiving system and organ buyer Ginny. whose organic structure is neer present on phase. but seeable merely on a screen suspended from the ceiling. The four Indian givers belong to the same family: Om ; his married woman Jaya ; Om’s female parent. referred to merely as Ma ; and Om’s younger brother. Jeetu. While Padmanabhan uses her donor characters to interrogate the peculiar fortunes that make the option of selling one’s organic structure parts so seductive. finally. I contend. she upholds the Kantian thought of human self-respect which views the merchandising of one’s organic structure parts as a misdemeanor of human unity. When the drama opens. Jaya and her mother-in-law are impatiently waiting for Om’s return from his occupation interview. Both are antsy: Ma fierily hopes that Om will acquire the occupation ; Jaya. cognizing what the occupation entails. hopes that he will non. But Om returns to denote that he has so been selected for the ‘job’ at Interplanta Services. Having passed the medical trials at Interplanta. he has been decreed an eligible. healthy campaigner for selling the rights to his full organic structure to an anon. purchaser in the United States. His baffled feelings about subscribing such a contract allow Padmanabhan to portray the complex mixture of hope and desperation that has motivated his actions. At first. he verges on the enraptured: ‘We’ll have more money than you and I have names for! ’ he says to Ma. proudly. ‘Who’d believe there’s so much money in the universe? ’ ( 1997. p. 219 ) . When his married woman exp resses her reserves for what he has done. he becomes defensive: You think I did it lightly. But [ †¦ ] we’ll be rich! Very rich! Insanely rich! But you’d instead unrecorded in this one little room. I suppose! Think it’s such a all right thing – life twenty-four hours in. twenty-four hours out. like monkeys in a hot-case – lulled to kip by our neighbours’ rhythmic flatus! [ †¦ ] And starvation ( 1997. p. 223 ) . When Jaya accuses him of doing the incorrect pick. he is inexorable that his determination was non made of his ain free will:Om: I went because I lost my occupation at the company. And why did I lose it? Because I am a clerk and cipher demands clerksany longer! There are no new occupations now – there’s nil left for people like us! Don’t you know that?Jaya: You’re incorrect. there are picks – there must be picks – Om: Huh! I didn’t choose. I stood in waiting line and was chosen! And if non this waiting line. there would hold been other waiting lines – [ †¦ ] ( 1997. p. 238 ) Om’s insisting that his function in the choice process was wholly inactive allows Padmanabhan to review the broad discourse of free will and pick that advocates organ markets on the footing of single liberty. She suggests that it is exactly this discourse which creates the economic construction of millennian capitalist economy in which the merchandising of variety meats becomes an ‘option’ for the disfranchised third-world person. As Om’s concluding reaction makes clear. his opinion has been badly impaired by the enticement of limitless wealth. When the world of what he has done hits him. he is terrified: ‘How could I have done this to myself? What kind of sap am I? ’ ( 1997. p. 234 ) Om’s female parent. nevertheless. expresses no such sorrow. Upon first hearing her son’s promises of impossible wealths. Ma is mystified: ‘What sort of occupation wages a adult male to sit at place? ’ ( 1997. p. 220 ) . As she begins to understand what Om’s ‘job’ entails. she resumes her questions as though she can non believe their good luck: ‘Tell me once more: all you have to make is sit at place and remain healthy? [ †¦ ] And they’ll wage you? [ †¦ ] Even if you do nil but pick your nose all twenty-four hours? ’ ( 1997. p. 222 ) . By demoing Ma’s continued astonishment at the fact that her boy will be paid to make perfectly nil. Padmanabhan is able to picture the extent to which the forces of millennian capitalist economy appear to supply a quasi-magical agency of doing money. By Act II of the drama. Ma has become wholly addicted to their new life of luxury. The household family is littered with a n array of appliances that Ginny has provided in order to entertain the givers and maintain them comfy. and Ma spends most of her clip obsessively watching telecasting on the synergistic set that Ginny has sent them. She becomes the perfect receiver of Ginny’s gifts as she dismisses Om’s remorse and progressively seeks to get away the world of her life in Bombay through technological devices. By the terminal of the drama. she has locked herself off into what Padmanabhan footings a VideoCouch. a capsule into which Ma can stop up herself. watch one of 150 telecasting channels. and non worry about nutrient or digestion because the unit is wholly self-sufficing. The amenitiess with which Ginny so volitionally provides her seduce Ma into an astonied contentment at their sudden reversal of lucks. Surrendering to the joys of technologically-induced cloud nine. Ma is thrilled that. for literally executing no labor at all. ‘they will be rich for of all time and ever’ ( 1997. p. 235 ) . Not all the hi-tech devices that Ginny delivers to the givers are designed to featherbed the organic structure. nevertheless. In the really first scene of the drama. shortly after Om’s return with a new ‘job’ . representatives of Interplanta Services. his new employers. flatboat into the donors’ place to put in a series of appliances. As Om. Jaya and Ma ticker. they dismantle the family’s fundamental kitchen and replace it with their ain cookery device and jars incorporating motley nutrient pellets. They so put in a Contact Module. a device that hangs from the ceiling and which looks. Padmanabhan tells us. like a ‘white. faceted globe’ ( 1997. p. 221 ) . Each clip the device springs to life. Ginny. the American who has purchased Omâ€℠¢s organic structure. is able to do contact with the donor household. I wish to brood at length on the sci-fi appliance that is the contact faculty. What interactions between the givers and the receiving system does the contact faculty license? And what does this device let Padmanabhan to accomplish on phase? Let us get down with this latter inquiry. Ginny communicates with the giver household merely through the contact faculty. She is therefore neer physically present on the phase. a fact that is extremely important because Padmanabhan’s chosen genre – theater – is explicitly concerned with a touchable. embodied and physical presence on phase. Yet throughout the drama. Ginny is merely of all time seeable in two-dimensions. on the screen of the contact faculty. The lone corporal performing artists on the phase are the racially and visually distinguishable organic structures of the third-world givers. Therefore. the audience has no pick but to stare on a organic structure whose sheer presence on phase challenges the supposed farness of the labouring and now cannibalised organic structure. the really organic structure that capitalist production in the epoch of globalization has displaced into the distant third-world. Furthermore. the contact-module allows Padmanabhan to set up a construction of staring and surveillance that mirrors the function of the audience. For. like the receiving system. the audience excessively. regards at the lone physical organic structures on phase: the givers. The audience is therefore impelled into an uncomfortable designation with the receiving system. the really entity who is responsible for the objectification of third-world organic structures that the drama so overtly criticises. Keeping the first-world receiver’s organic structure remote serves a 2nd intent. It allows Padmanabhan to signal to the profound tensenesss underlying the predatory relationship between givers and receiving systems. The True. this state of affairs would be well different if the drama were performed in a third-world state. The third-world organic structures on phase would be more familiar to the audience. whereas the first-world American character would be seeable in the same manner as the bulk of third-world audiences are already accustomed to from telecasting. film and magazines: in two dimensions. However. Padmanabhan has herself admitted that. frustrated by the deficiency of chances for English-language dramatists in India. she originally wrote Harvest for production in the first-world. when she entered the drama for ( and subsequently won ) the inaugural Onassis Prize for Theatre ( Gilbert. 2001. p. 214 ) . Yet. on the other manus. the third-world organic structure produces in its new proprietor. the first-world receiving system. a profound anxiousness. For like the receiver’s ain organic structure. the donor’s organic structure excessively is vulnerable to the invasion of disease and devolution that must be kept at bay at all costs. First. so. the contact faculty enables Ginny to step in in the donor universe without holding to put pes in the geographical location that the givers inhabit. Nor would she desire it any other manner. She has purchased the rights to Om’s variety meats in order to fend off disease and decease and has no purpose of put on the lining a visit to their unhygienic homes. Second. the contact faculty allows Ginny to patrol the day-to-day wonts of the givers in order to guarantee that the variety meats that will one twenty-four hours be hers remain healthy excessively. Therefore. gaining. after the first visit. that Om’s household portions a lavatory with 40 other households. Ginny reacts with horror. ‘It’s wrong’ . she exclaims. ‘It’s disgusting! And I – good. I’m traveling to alter that. I can’t accept that. I mean. it’s insanitary! ’ ( 1997. p. 225 ) . Consequently. Interplanta is commissioned to put in a lavatory in their place that really same twenty-four hours. The regular monitoring that the contact faculty permits is rendered even more effectual given that merely the receiving system is able to run it at will. Om’s household neer knows when Ginny will ‘visit’ them following. By the gap of Act II of the drama. we see how good her scheme is working. Two months have elapsed. and Om is panicking because they are late for tiffin. ( Lunch. of class. consists of the motley nutritionary pellets provided for them by Interplanta Services. ) ‘You know how [ Ginny ] hates it when we’re tardily to eat’ . Om says. worriedly ( 1997. p. 228 ) . The contact faculty therefore allows the receiving system to set up a lasting construction of surveillance in Om’s place. Fearing Ginny’s reproof. or worse. a revoking of his contract. Om urges his full household to patrol their ain behavior. The co ntact faculty inculcates self-discipline. rendering the donors’ bodies into perfect sites of ‘docility-utility’ . optimum sites. in other words. from which to pull out the healthiest possible organ ( Foucault. 1995. pp. 135-169 ) . Ginny is careful. nevertheless. to supply the givers with plentifulness of amenitiess to counterbalance them for their attempts. When the drape lifts for Act II of the drama. the phase reveals that. a mere two months subsequently. the donors’ family is to the full equipped with an air-conditioning unit. a mini-gym and a glimmer. fully-equipped kitchen ( 1997. p. 227 ) . Ginny reminds the household that by featherbeding them so. she is merely carry throughing her ain contractual duties: ‘I acquire to give you things you’d neer acquire in your life-time. and you get to give me. well†¦ possibly my life’ ( 1997. p. 230 ) . Ginny’s insouciant sentence serves as a jolting and upseting reminder that receiving systems and givers barely trade in equivalents: Ginny provides ‘things’ for which the givers pay her dorsum in their ain lives. In fact. Ginny’s continual gifts sum to little more than mere investing. As she says to the household. falsifying the pronunciation of Om’s name:The Most Important Thing is to maintain Auwm smiling. Coz if Auwm’s smiling. it means his organic structure is smiling and if his organic structure is smiling it means his variety meats are smiling. And that’s the sort of variety meats that’ll survive a graft best. smiling organs†¦ ( 1997. p. 229 ) Reading the receiver’s actions as an investing permits us to return. one time once more. to the analogues between the human organic structure and land that the play’s rubric. Harvest. alludes to. The term efficaciously assimilates the whole human organic structure. from which the portion is extracted. to a crop-producing secret plan of land. and therefore. by extension. to the possibility that land seaports of bring forthing life. The extractible human organic structure portion is consequently assimilated to the output or harvest ; this is the trade good with echt use-value. the portion that it is profitable to detach from the whole. In order to obtain the best possible crop. as Ginny is well-aware. one must non merely choose the best possible site in which to put: one must keep a continued investing in this site. Quality input will bring forth quality end product: viz. . a healthy crop. The workability of the analogy I present here is. nevertheless. limited. An ideal agricultural economic system is sustainable. The organ. one time extracted. is irredeemable. This. nevertheless. affairs small to the receiving system. who sees the organic structures of the donor universe as disposable organic structures comprised of spare parts she can utilize to protract her ain life. And yet. while all the givers fall quarry to Ginny’s tactics. Padmanabhan uses Jaya. the lone character in the drama who is virulently opposed to Om’s determination. to repossess a human self-respect of kinds. a self-respect that allows Jaya to defy the enticement of money and the seductive escape of engineering. It is a self-respect that is predicated. I contend. on the very restrictions of the physical organic structure that the receiving systems are so despairing to get the better of. The concluding scene of the drama sees merely Jaya on phase. Om has abandoned her. holding willfully chosen to seek out Ginny and give up his organic structure to her. Ma is plugged into her VideoCouch. unmindful to her milieus. Jaya awakes to an unfamiliar. discorporate voice coming from the contact faculty. This is Virgil. yet another American receiving system with designs to feed upon Jaya’s organic structure. Jaya. nevertheless. garbages to negociate with Virgil every bit long as he attempts to draw the strings from his safe. disease-free environment in the first-world. She is determined to put down her ain conditions. If Virgil wants her organic structure. he must come to her in individual. ‘I know you’re stronger than me. you’re richer than me. But if you want me. ’ she insists. ‘you must put on the line your tegument for me’ ( 1997. p. 248 ) . Boasting that she can non win against him. Virgil sends his Interplanta employees to interrupt down Jaya’s door. But Jaya has discovered ‘a new definition for winning. Wining by losing’ ( 1997. p. 248. accent added ) . She announces to Virgil that she plans to repossess the ‘only thing [ she ] ha [ s ] which is still [ her ] ain: [ her ] death’ ( 1997. p. 248 ) . Therefore. Jaya resists Virgil’s progresss and retains her ain self-respect in one Swift shot: she embraces the really mortality that Virgil and his fellow receiving systems seek to eliminate from their ain organic structures. ‘I’m keeping a piece of glass against my throat’ . she warns an progressively frustrated Virgil ( 1997. p. 248 ) . The drama concludes on this unso lved note. While Virgil weighs his options. Jaya threatens ( promises? ) to repossess her ain organic structure through self-destruction. Padmanabhan therefore leaves us to chew over a sobering inquiry: is a triumph that requires the decease of the exploited mark of millennian capitalist economy truly worthy of being termed an act of opposition? Harvest poses a powerful review of the first-world’s development of third-world organic structures for the trade goods of labour-power and. as the late emerged trade in variety meats shows. wellness. Should third-world persons resist such commoditization? Indeed. can they? While oppositions of organ markets embrace human self-respect as an unalienable right that no person should hold to release. the black market in human variety meats continues to be the lone solution for those who have no other assets to sell. In this context. Padmanabhan’s impression of ‘winning by losing’ seems a disturbingly disposed manner to specify the third-world individual’s quandary: lose your ain body-part to win the hard currency. Bibliography Bauman. Z. . 1998. ‘Ageing and the Sociology of Embodiment’ . in G. Scrambler and P. Higgs ( explosive detection systems ) . Modernity. Medicine and Health: Medical Sociology towards 2000. New York: Routledge. pp. 216-33. Cherry. M. . 2005. Kidney for Sale by Owner. Washington. D. C. : Georgetown University Press. Cohen. L. . 2002. ‘The Other Kidney: Biopolitics beyond Recognition’ . in N. Scheper-Hughes and L. Wacquant ( explosive detection systems ) . Commodifying Bodies.London: Sage. pp. 9-31.Comaroff. Jean and Comaroff. John. 2000. ‘Millennial Capitalism: First Thoughts on a Second Coming’ . Public Culture. 12 ( 2 ) . pp. 291-343. Foley. D. . 1986. Understanding Capital. Cambridge: HarvardUniversity Press.Foucault. M. . 1995 ( 1975 ) . Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison. New York: Vintage.Gilbert. H. . 2001. ‘Introduction to Harvest’ . in H. Gilbert ( erectile dysfunction ) . Postcolonial Plaies: An Anthology. New York: Routledge. pp. 214-6.Hardt. M and Negri. A. . 2004. Multitude. New York: Penguin.Harris. J and Erin. C. A. . 2003. ‘An Ethical Market in Human Organs’ . The Journal of Medical Ethics. 29 ( 3 ) . pp. 137-8.Harvey. D. . 2000. ‘The Work of Postmodernity: The Laboring Body in Global Space’ . in J. E. D avis ( erectile dysfunction ) . Identity and Social Change. New Brunswick: Transaction. pp. 27-51.Marx. K. . 1990 ( 1867 ) . Capital I. London: Penguin.Marx. K. . 1991 ( 1894 ) . Capital III. London: Penguin.Padmanabhan. M. . 2001 ( 1997 ) . ‘Harvest’ . in H. Gilbert ( erectile dysfunction ) . Postcolonial Plaies: An Anthology. New York: Routledge. pp. 217-50.Scheper-Hughes. N. . 1998. ‘The New Cannibalism: A Report on the International Traffic in Human Organs’ . New Internationalist. 300. pp. 14-17.Scheper-Hughes. N. . 2001.16 hypertext transfer protocol: //www. publicanthropology. org/TimesPast/Scheper-Hughes. htm ( Accessed 10 June 2005 )Scheper-Hughes. N. . 2000. ‘The Global Traffic in Human Organs’ . Current Anthropology. 41 ( 2 ) . pp. 191-224.Waldby. C and Mitchell. R. . 2006. Tissue Economies. Durham: Duke University Press.

Monday, March 16, 2020

buy custom Linear B and Related Scripts essay

buy custom Linear B and Related Scripts essay Artifacts basically refer to objects that are made and shaped by man, particularly those that have a relation with archeology. They are mostly found in the form of weapons, tools, and ornaments which bear historical interest. Linear A and Linear B are some of the old artifacts writing discovered in Greek and Crete. Linear B is an ancient script commonly used in the ancient Mycenean culture, this ancient writing were inscribed on a clay tablets and can be traced back to the years of 1350 BC also known as the Neopalatial Period or the Bronze age. This paper attempts to analyze Linear Bs relation with other artifacts like Rosseta stone, its comparison with Linear A and then gives some details regarding Sir Walker Evans, Ventris and Chadwell who were some of the major founders of this ancient writings. This ancient writing was first deciphered by Michael Ventris, an amateur philologist, jointly with John Chadwick another Philologist among other archeology scholars. Though Linear B was discovered on the Greece mainland, the writing system was designed for a language other than Greek. There are several constant clusters that miss from Linear B, These constants are such as the distinction of g and k, r and l, as well as p and b which are present in Greek. These raises issues of the possibility of the Mycenaean writer picking a Linear B script that existed already. A good example of Linear B artifact is the Rosetta stone. It was discovered in Egypt near the town of Rosetta in 1799 by Captain Pierre-Francois Bouchard. He noticed that the stone had some linguistic clue when he found it while working on Napoleons fortresses for his invading army. This stone is basically a carved slab of black basalt that contains some writing that is organized in three alphabets. It was only but a portion of a larger stone since its three texts are incomplete. Among the 32 lines craved on it, 14 were damaged leaving only the last 14 lines to be seen clearly. An analysis of the discovered portion suggests that the Rosetta stone is approximately 59 inches in height. This stone is thus an original steel, that is a stone or a wooden slab that is generally wide and height in nature. The priests who gathered at the Memphis were responsible for the issuing of the stone during the period of the dynasty of Ptolemaic. Its carvings date back up to 196 BC, when Ptolemy V was the Pharaoh at that time. This stele is a clear indication that the resident priesthood were issued with a tax exemption. The actual origin of this stele is unknown although there are possibilities that its origin is the royal town of Sais. The Rosetta stone is thought to have been re-used in the construction as quarries. The Mycenean culture is well known to have used Linear B which was in form of a script, used for the first time around 1350BC and basically inscribed on clay tablets in Knossos, the Mycenaean site. Michael Ventris, the philologist deciphered Linear B with the assistance of John Chadwick a fellow professional philologist and Alice Kober who was a scholar and described it as a form used in ancient Greek. It was Arthur Evans in 1900 who found the two ancient scripts Linear A and Linear B on some clay tablets. Comparing Linear A and Linear B, Linear A was a bit order than Linear B, dating back to the years 1550-1700 BC, whereas Linear B was around 1200-1500 BC. Even tough Linear B was deciphered by John Chadwick and Michael Ventris back in the year 1950s. So far, scholars attempts to decode Linear B have been blocked totally. Many scholars believe that Linear B was adapted from an earlier script probably Linear A. Attempts to decipherer Linear A have began though not entirely on the premise that ancient writing Linear A was used in writing of an old archaic Greek. Unlike Linear B, Linear A has not been linked with any language family. Linear A is largely unknown and this has in turn forced scholars to develop a functional comparison of Linear A and Linear B. With over 90 symbols, Linear A has a handful of logograms similar with Linear B. Linear B and Linear A share a lot of large number signs, almost 80%, thats why most interpretation of Linear A have been done using values from Linear B somehow to a reasonable success. From research done on the two ancient language, it has been observed that Linear A could probably did not represent any Greek language unlike Linear B. Linear A language is not similar to any world known language. Among the major similarity between Linear A and Linear B is based on the fact that both inscriptions give an accounting list of commodities. Using Linear B one can far best understand Linear A. Here is a good example of an accounting list of goods from Hagia Triada. Looking at the above image, the text begins with some form of an introductory sign sequence, (in Linear B, the text is readable as ka-u-de-ta), the introductory sequence is then followed by a logogram for the commodity wine , from there the sequence is followed by a group of signs and then numbers. The logogram illustrates the table records. Every group is likely to illustrate the name of an individual and then the quantity of wine allocated to the person, regardless of whether receiving or giving. The main significant difference between Linear B and Linear A is the fact that Linear A was mostly used for personal objects regarding religious dedications in the Greek votive inscriptions. Below is a stone ladle found Troullos and offers one the best examples of Linear A. To read this text one would need to apply Linear B. The sequence used is highly interesting since it appears in other votive inscriptions of other different variants. Apparently Liner B kept its secrets for a very long time from those working on its solution. Its decipherment never aligned with the publication of Sir Arthur Evans on Linear B. These tablets were discovered by Blegen in Pylos. The tablets were attributed to the final stage of Mycenaean Age, which related to the Heroic Age of Troy although it ended abruptly. Despite the discovery of Linear B tablets in Greeces mainland, the language that they were written in was never thought to be Greek. The main reason behind this doubt is due to the fact the Ionian age was separated by five hundred years from the Mycenaean Age. Another underlying fact behind this reasoning is that it was not until the eight century that the Greek writing first appeared. Consequently, the philologists efforts to read the tablets turned out unfruitful, and all the hints that were associated to the results were apparently negative. The eight century marked the end of the Mycenaean culture and later the rise of the Ionic times although no centuries inntervened. This thus shows that there is a close link between the Mycenaean heritage and the Ionic culture. With this regard, Linear B script proves not to Greek. The earliest form of Greek was the Mycenaean Greek and used the syllabic script of Linear B for writing. Linear B came earlier than the Greek alphabet by several centuries and consequently ceased to exist with the fall of Mycenaean civilization. The major areas where Liner B inscribed clay tablets were found are Thebes, Cydonia, Knossos, Pylos as well as Mycenae. It is rather unfortunate that the Greek Dark Ages succeeds this period and apparently does not give any evidence related to writing. Linear B was never used unless it was an administrative context. Basically only a small number of unlike hands were perceived among the thousand clay tablets. Among these, Pylos was found to have 45, and Knossos 66. This brought up the thought that only the professional scribes who apparently served in the central palaces were given the privilege of using the script, and unfortunately the script disappeared when the palaces were destroyed. There are approximately 200 signs associated with Linear B and are divided into syllabic signs which contain phonetic values as well ideograms which consists of semantic values. These signs have been represented and the standardization of their naming has been made possible through the international colloquia, the very first being in Paris in 1956. The Wingspread Convention proposed by Emmett L. Bennett,Jr. was adopted by a new organization and affiliated in 1970 by the fifth colloquia. There are also a large number of ideograms used by Linear B and express both the type of object concerned as well as a unit of measure. These ideograms appear at the end of a line just before a number for the sole purpose of determining the given number applies to what object. Unfortunately there are many values which remain unknown in the system. Clothes and containers for instance are grouped into different categories represented by distinct ideograms with animals being categorized with respect to their sex. Ventris and Bennett were the first individuals to devise the numerical references for the ideograms. They divided these numerical references into functional groups that corresponded to Bennetts index breakdown. The numerical references for the ideograms were originally devised by Ventris and Bennett, divided into functional groups corresponding to the breakdown of Bennett's index. These groups are numbered beginning 100, 110, 120 etc., with some provision of spare numbers for future additions; the official CIPEM numberings used today are based on Ventris and Bennett's. In conclusion, the decipherment of Linear B has been very essential in the study of artifacts particularly the interpretation of Linear A. It is clear that the language used in Linear B is in no way related to the Greek language. Apparently Linear B misses some major constants and are present in Greek thus eliminating any doubt of its relation to Greek language. There is a clear distinction between Linear A and Linear B based on the fact that unlike Linear B, Linear A was used to for personal objects regarding religious dedications in the Greek votive inscriptions. On the other hand, Linear A has not been linked with any language family unlike Linear B. Buy custom Linear B and Related Scripts essay

Friday, February 28, 2020

Middle Eastern Female Contemporary Artists Essay

Middle Eastern Female Contemporary Artists - Essay Example The essay "Middle Eastern Female Contemporary Artists" explores the Female Contemporary Artists of Middle East. Elements of the theater arts are evident in marriage ceremonials, funeral practices and performances of traditional music. Arab artists draw inspiration from the vestiges of the region's ancient cultures, combining older iconography with new insights to create fresh artistic expressions. This fusion of elements is evident in the works of several artists who have been influenced by the ancient symbols of Mesopotamia and the rich imagery of Coptic art. Sawsan Amer's works on glass, for instance, combine traditional iconography with personal imagery, mixing the direct frontality of Coptic icons with representations of birds, both real and imagined. Another artist who joins ancient and contemporary references is Liliane Karnouk from Egypt. "My paintings are in search of a definite cultural union," says the artists. "I belong to a generation trapped between Western and Oriental values." She expresses her search for union by combining tree bark from Canada and the papyrus paper from Egypt in installations such as Black and Green, 1992. This work expresses her helpless outrage at the senseless violence of the Gulf War. The black paperworks represent an initial outlet for her mourning for the human and environmental victims of the conflict. The large spatial canvases were conceived as a visual requiem. The tree bark and green seedlings emerge as a source of renewal. The art of Effat Nagui, a 92-year.... The black paperworks represent an initial outlet for her mourning for the human and environmental victims of the conflict. The large spatial canvases were conceived as a visual requiem. The tree bark and green seedlings emerge as a source of renewal. The art of Effat Nagui, a 92-year-old Egyptian artist "who lives in history," draws upon the ancient cultures of northern Africa. One of the pioneers of modern art in Egypt, Nagui was the first woman artist to have a work acquired by the Museum of Modern Art in Cairo, in 1928. Her mixed media works like Icon of the Nile. 1991 (Amirsadeghi, Mikdadi & Shabout, 2009, 167-185) unite concentric circles and the venerable outline of the mummy with remnants of Coptic parchment and crocodile skins to create contemporary images that utilize the magic of antiquity. As Nagui says: "Sometimes the artist needs to use materials and forms from ancient folk art so that he may touch the invisible bases which erected original art. Art is the result of assimilated and inherited culture." (Madkour, 2006, 19-21) Nagui's wooden sculptured surfaces, influenced by Nubian architecture, testify to the dynamic and symbolic roles of art forms. These and other contemporary Arab artists draw inspiration from the past. The Arab East has seen a succession of major civilizations, each creating its own art forms. This is precisely what civilizations are about--creative, centripetal power which fuses old elements with new ideas, giving birth to original and specific new expression. (McEvilley, 2007, 19-21) The Art of Politics The Arab East has been a battleground in the 19th and 20th centuries. War has been a critical feature of recent history in the region, and wars, per se, create turmoil in a society, accelerating the normal